If you'd walked into a gathering of older black folks 100 years ago, you'd have found that most of them would have been Republican.
Yep. Republican. Party of Lincoln. Party of the Emancipation. Party that pushed not only black votes but black politicians during that post-bellum period known as Reconstruction.
Today, it's almost the exact opposite. That migration of black voters away from the GOP reached its last phase 50 years ago this week.
Walking through the Farmer's Market at 18th Street and La Cienega Boulevard in Los Angeles, a mixture of Angelenos strolled the asphalt parking lot, surveying rows of leafy produce and ripe stone fruit. Virtually all the people I approached who were registered voters were registered to one party.
"I'm affiliated with the Democratic party, of course!" laughs Arthur Little, a thin man in shorts and electric turquoise-framed sun glasses.
"Why 'of course'?" I asked.
"Because I think of it as the party that is at least officially interested in putting people's rights before corporate rights," Little shakes his head. "I don't even know why a black person even would be a Republican," he muses, as he walks off with his teenaged son.
Darlene Lee-Bolgen, eyeballing fresh fingerlings and young onions, said she was worried about income inequality, and she didn't believe that was a Republican concern. "It doesn't seem like they're for the regular people, for civil rights... they're not doing anything to help the people. They're all for themselves."
Black voters began supporting the Democratic party in greater numbers almost a century ago. But the events of 1964 marked a dramatic shift in voting patterns that's still with us today.
A More Even Distribution
Vincent Hutchings, a political scientist who studies voter patterns at the University of Michigan, says the first major shift in black party affiliation away from the Republican Party happened during the Depression. Franklin Roosevelt's second administration — led by the New Deal — made the Democrats a beacon for black Americans deeply affected by the crushing poverty that was plaguing the country.
But many black voters stuck with the party of Lincoln.
"The data suggests that even as late as 1960, only about two-thirds of African-Americans were identified with the Democratic Party," he says. "Now, two-thirds is a pretty big number. But when you compare it to today, that number hovers at about 90 percent."
Ninety percent. So what happened?
Well, according to Hutchings and to Tufts University historian Peniel Joseph, Barry Goldwater happened.
"Barry Goldwater, for Republicans, becomes a metaphor for the Republican response for this revolution that's happening in the United States," Joseph says.
The "revolution" was Freedom Summer, the period 50 years ago when hundreds of college students, most of them white, had journeyed to Mississippi to help black Mississippians become registered voters. The state's response to that integrated movement had been swift — and violent. Less than a month before the GOP met for its national convention in San Francisco, organizers Andrew Goodman, James Chaney (who was African-American and Mississippi-born) and Michael Schwerner had been kidnapped on a dark back road in Neshoba County. The only hint that they'd existed was Schwerner's charred Ford station wagon.
The media attention that followed the men's disappearance roiled the entire South. (Their bodies would be found in early August, buried in the shallow earthen works of a dam.)
Then, two weeks after the men's disappearance and mere days before the GOP convention opened, Lyndon Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act into law, making discrimination in public venues illegal.
Peniel Joseph says the events outside the GOP's convention hall affected what went on under its roof. Supporters of the presumed front-runner, liberal New York Gov. Nelson Rockefeller, were blindsided by the party's well-organized conservative wing, which nominated Arizona's Sen. Barry Goldwater. His nickname was "Mr. Conservative."
Goldwater can be seen as the godfather (or maybe the midwife) of the current Tea Party. He wanted the federal government out of the states' business. He believed the Civil Rights Act was unconstitutional — although he said that once it had been enacted into law, it would be obeyed. But states, he said, should implement the law in their own time. Many white southerners, especially segregationists, felt reassured by Goldwater's words. Black Americans, says Vince Hutchings, felt anything but:
"African-Americans heard the message that was intended to be heard. Which was that Goldwater and the Goldwater wing of the Republican party were opposed not only to the Civil Rights Act, but to the civil rights movement, in large part, as well."
An Abrupt Exit From The GOP
When Goldwater, in his acceptance speech, famously told the ecstatic convention "extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice," he was speaking of "a very specific notion of liberty," says Peniel Joseph: "Small government, a government that doesn't give out handouts to black people. A government that doesn't have laws that interfere with states' rights. A government that is not conducting a war on poverty."
It was a signal both sides heard loud and clear. Goldwater attracted the white Southern votes his advisers thought were essential, paving the way for the "Southern Strategy" that Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan would use successfully in later years. And the third of black Republican voters remaining speedily exited the party.
"It was an abrupt shift," says Hutchings. "For [the] relatively few — but still not trivial — fraction of blacks, they moved aggressively, and almost unanimously, into the Democratic Party."
And black voters have stayed there, in increasing numbers, ever since. Not that all of them want to be.
Back at the farmer's market, Jasmine Patton-Grant, in a flower-patterned sundress, sells lavender soap and lotions to passers-by. She says she grew up in a family of Democrats, going into the voting booth with her father when she was a toddler and voting in elections — national and local — since she was legally able to vote. She considers voting a privilege and her civic obligation. And she says she's sick of the choices she sees before her.
"I'm a Democrat only because I've inherited that from my family," she explains. "It's not as if I'd ever be a Republican, but I'm completely dissatisfied with both parties."
Which suggests if an alternative comes along that Patton-Gant and others find attractive, the black voter party affiliation percentages might change yet again.
RENEE MONTAGNE, HOST:
In the recent Republican primary runoff in Mississippi, a long-serving Republican senator won out over a Tea Party-backed challenger with a sizable number of votes from predominantly African-American precincts. It's rare that black voters would boost a Republican to victory even in a primary, but that wasn't always the case. The GOP used to have a significant number of black members. There was a sudden exodus, though, after the party gathered in San Francisco 50 years ago this week to nominate a presidential candidate. Karen Grigsby Bates from NPR's Code Switch team takes a look back.
KAREN GRIGSBY BATES, BYLINE: In July 1964, GOP delegates streamed into San Francisco from all over the country. They met in the Cow Palace, the converted livestock pavilion. It was less than a month after civil rights workers Andrew Goodman, James Cheney and Mickey Schwerner had been kidnapped on a Mississippi back road during Freedom Summer. Two weeks before the convention, Lyndon Johnson made this announcement.
(SOUNDBITE OF SPEECH)
PRESIDENT LYNDON JOHNSON: My fellow Americans, I'm about to sign into law the Civil Rights Act of 1964.
BATES: Tufts University historian Peniel Joseph says the national events leading up to the '64 GOP convention affected what went on there.
PENIEL JOSEPH: One of the legacies of Freedom Summer is connected to the politics and the transformation of the Republican National Party, absolutely.
BATES: Vincent Hutchings, a political science professor at the University of Michigan studies voter patterns and says while they seem like a rarity now, black Republicans weren't always an oxymoron.
VINCENT HUTCHINGS: The data suggests that even as late as 1960, only about two-thirds of African-Americans were identified with the Democratic Party. Now two-thirds is a pretty big number. But when you compare it to today, you know, that number hovers in the neighborhood of 90 percent.
BATES: Hutchings says after the Civil War most black voters were Republicans. The party of Lincoln had, after all, emancipated them and given them the vote during Reconstruction, something deeply resented by white Southerners who were mostly Democrats then. Hutchings says the black exodus from the Republican Party began in the 1930s during Franklin Roosevelt's second term.
HUTCHINGS: African-Americans were attracted to the Democratic Party for the same reasons that many other Americans were because of the New Deal, because of the economic crisis and the efforts on the part of the Roosevelt Administration to address the staggering poverty of the time.
BATES: In 1964, black Republicans assumed they would back New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller, who was socially liberal and fiscally moderate. But Rockefeller's messy divorce upset delegates we'd now label family values voters. And his moderate supporters were blindsided by the well-organized supporters of the unapologetically conservative senator from Arizona, Barry Goldwater. In his now-famous acceptance speech, Goldwater promised to vigorously pursue state's rights and freedom from big government.
(SOUNDBITE OF SPEECH)
SENATOR BARRY GOLDWATER: I would remind you that extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice.
JOSEPH: That's a very specific notion of liberty - small government, a government that doesn't give out handouts to black people, a government that doesn't have laws that interferes with state's rights, a government that is not conducting a war on poverty.
BATES: That's Mr. Peniel Joseph. He believes Goldwater's speech was a welcomed signal to many disgruntled, white southern voters and, says Vince Hutchings, a disturbing message to black ones.
HUTCHINGS: African-Americans heard the message that was intended to be heard, which is that Goldwater and the Goldwater wing of the Republican Party was opposed not just to the Civil Rights bill of 1964 but to the civil rights movement in large part, as well.
BATES: Hutchings says the months after that speech saw not a trickle of blacks leaving the GOP, but a flood.
HUTCHINGS: It was an abrupt shift for those relatively few, but still not trivial, fraction of blacks - that the writing on the wall was clear for these voters. And they moved aggressively, almost unanimously, into the Democratic Party.
BATES: At a Los Angeles farmer's market, virtually every black person I approached told me he or she was a registered Democrat, including this man.
ARTHUR LITTLE: Arthur Little and I am affiliated with the Democratic Party, of course.
BATES: And why?
LITTLE: Because I think of it as a party that is at least, officially, interested in putting people's rights before corporate rights.
BATES: As she offers passers-by handmade soap, Jasmine Patton-Gant says her family has been Democrats for decades. And she's voted in almost every election since she could vote.
JASMINE PATTON-GRANT: I am a Democrat only because I've inherited that from my parents. It's not as though I would be a Republican but I'm completely dissatisfied with both parties.
BATES: So the Republican choice of Barry Goldwater in 1964 drove black voters into the Democrat's arms, where 90 percent of them remain. But if Jasmine Patton-Gant is any indication, at least some might be willing to be wooed by a more ardent suitor. Karen Grigsby Bates, NPR News. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR.