A police officer is free on bond after being arrested following a rash of road-sign thefts in southeast Alabama.  Brantley Police Chief Titus Averett says officer Jeremy Ray Walker of Glenwood is on paid leave following his arrest in Pike County.  The 30-year-old Walker is charged with receiving stolen property.  Lt. Troy Johnson of the Pike County Sheriff's Office says an investigation began after someone reported that Walker was selling road signs from Crenshaw County.  Investigators contacted the county engineer and learned signs had been reported stolen from several roads.

NPR Politics presents the Lunchbox List: our favorite campaign news and stories curated from NPR and around the Web in digestible bites (100 words or less!). Look for it every weekday afternoon from now until the conventions.

Convention Countdown

The Republican National Convention is in 4 days in Cleveland.

The Democratic National Convention is in 11 days in Philadelphia.

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The Senate is set to approve a bill intended to change the way police and health care workers treat people struggling with opioid addictions.

My husband and I once took great pleasure in preparing meals from scratch. We made pizza dough and sauce. We baked bread. We churned ice cream.

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"O Canada," the national anthem of our neighbors up north, comes in two official versions — English and French. They share a melody, but differ in meaning.

Let the record show: neither version of those lyrics contains the phrase "all lives matter."

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At Petco Park in San Diego, one member of the Canadian singing group The Tenors — by himself, according to the other members of the group — revised the anthem.

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How should we feel about that?

Police in Baton Rouge say they have arrested three people who stole guns with the goal of killing police officers. They are still looking for a fourth suspect in the alleged plot, NPR's Greg Allen reports.

"Police say the thefts were at a Baton Rouge pawn shop early Saturday morning," Greg says. "One person was arrested at the scene. Since then, two others have been arrested and six of the eight stolen handguns have been recovered. Police are still looking for one other man."

A 13-year-old boy is among those arrested, Greg says.

Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.

After an international tribunal invalidated Beijing's claims to the South China Sea, Chinese authorities have declared in no uncertain terms that they will be ignoring the ruling.

The Philippines brought the case to the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague, objecting to China's claims to maritime rights in the disputed waters. The tribunal agreed that China had no legal authority to claim the waters and was infringing on the sovereign rights of the Philippines.

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Uganda's Leader: 26 Years In Power, No Plans To Quit

Oct 8, 2012
Originally published on October 11, 2012 3:19 am

Rebel leader Joesphy Kony, head of the infamous Lord's Resistance Army, has achieved greater notoriety than any other Ugandan in the world today.

Idi Amin, who ruled the country through most of the 1970s, still stands as a symbol of African dictators who abused power and inflicted gross human rights abuses.

Yet as Uganda celebrated 50 years of independence on Tuesday, the man who has most shaped the country is far less known, at least in the West.

Yoweri Museveni has ruled the East African nation for 26 years, more than half of its post-colonial history. A charismatic former rebel commander, Museveni seized power in 1986, decrying other African leaders who overstayed their welcome.

Museveni points to many achievements in a country with a troubled past. But today, more and more Ugandans say their president has grown heavy-handed as he clings to power.

Despite this criticism, Museveni has dug in his heels. Just before he won a fourth five-year term last year, Museveni changed the constitution to loosen term limits.

In an interview with Al-Jazeera at the time, Museveni was characteristically defiant, deflecting arguments that he had been in power too long.

"The main point is: How would Africa transition from backwardness to modernity?" he told the Qatar-based network. "We should be talking about that, not talking about the individuals. ... Talk about the process of transformation from Third World to First World."

In the Kiseka market, a huge auto parts bazaar in the capital of Kampala, it's said that you can buy everything you need to assemble a Toyota Land Cruiser from scratch, if you want to. Here, the grease-stained shop owners speak their minds.

"I was born in 1986, and all I have to tell you is I have never seen another president," says 26-year-old electrician Jeremiah Senyondo. "All I see is Museveni, Museveni. And what I feel on the inside of me is [the need for] change."

This is a sentiment heard more and more across Uganda: It's time for someone new.

From Freedom Fighter To Autocrat

Museveni sees himself as an aging revolutionary, a historic figure who fought in the bush and overthrew dark forces, and whose mission to transform Uganda is not finished, despite the fact he's been around for a quarter-century and is pushing 70.

No one denies Museveni's accomplishments. Under his long rule, security has improved, the army is more disciplined, and the economy has gained traction.

Today, more children go to school, the fight against HIV/AIDS has made progress, and Washington considers him a key regional partner in fighting terrorists in Somalia.

"Uganda has made great strides," says Ugandan political scientist Frederick Golooba. "But, having said that, I think that we have reached a point where Uganda no longer needs Museveni. Most people would say that."

In Uganda's half-century as a nation, it's no longer enough that Yoweri Museveni overthrew tyrants Idi Amin and Milton Obote.

Museveni was once regarded as one of the most progressive leaders in Africa. Today many Ugandan analysts say Museveni increasingly resembles any other African big man, characterized by vainglory and egocentrism, nepotism and corruption, repression of opposition figures and intolerance of dissent.

"I guess the longer you stay in power the more vulnerable you become," says Daniel Kalinaki, editor of the Daily Monitor newspaper. "I think what we're seeing now is the government entering a phase where regime survival becomes a top priority."

A report released last month by Human Rights Watch, titled Curtailing Criticism, claims the authoritarian climate in Uganda is typified by the president's treatment of certain nongovernmental organizations. The report says groups have recently faced closure, intimidation, arrest and decertification for challenging the government's political and financial interests.

No Tolerance For Dissent

In Kikyusa, a mud-street town where a small nonprofit called Community Development and Child Welfare Initiatives is staging a civic meeting, villagers pass around a microphone to voice grievances against the government. It is a unique opportunity for the villagers, who are not used to confronting local officials.

One man stands up and faces the stony-faced district police commander, complaining that when he goes to the police department to make a complaint that there's been a crime committed, the officer asks for money to go arrest the suspect, some 20,000 shillings, or $8.

A woman asks who is supposed to pick up the stinking garbage. A hotel owner wants to know why he should pay taxes when the government does so little for this town. One fuming parent wants to know why a rich pineapple grower is allowed to rape local children and then pay off the police to avoid arrest.

These sorts of questions make people in power uncomfortable, and that's the point, says John Segujja, the project coordinator. But it's a project that comes with a cost in Uganda.

Segujja explains that when he went to renew his organization's registration earlier this year, he was told it was under investigation by the president's office.

His group, which is supported by international donors, still has not been recertified. He says the government is blocking recertification because the group encourages people to challenge officials.

"We are opening the peoples' eyes and ears to ask questions," Segujja says. "And people in government don't want to be asked questions, especially on matters concerning corruption."

The president's spokesman did not return NPR's repeated phone calls to comment on this story.

Defense Minister Crispus Kiyonga, a protege of the president's for 26 years, said in an interview that foreign NGOs operate "with anarchy" in Uganda and need more oversight.

When asked about the president's longevity in office, he smiled and said it's up to Ugandans to decide whether they want to keep Museveni in the country's top office when he runs for an expected fifth term in 2016.

Copyright 2013 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.

Transcript

ROBERT SIEGEL, HOST:

From NPR News, this is ALL THINGS CONSIDERED. I'm Robert Siegel.

Tomorrow, the East African nation of Uganda will celebrate 50 years of independence. For more than half of that time, the country has had one president, a charismatic former rebel commander named Yoweri Museveni. He seized power while decrying other African leaders who overstayed their welcome.

And now, in his 26th year in office, more and more Ugandans believe that he has overstayed his welcome, as NPR's John Burnett reports,

JOHN BURNETT, BYLINE: They say in Kiseka Market, the huge used auto parts bazaar in the capital of Kampala, you can buy everything you need to assemble a Toyota Land Cruiser if you want to.

Here, the grease-stained shop owners speak their mind. A 26-year-old auto electrician named Jeremiah Senyondo is asked what he thinks of the president.

JEREMIAH SENYONDO: Myself, I was born in 1986 and all I have to tell you is I have never seen another president. And all I see is Museveni, Museveni. And what I feel on the inside of me is a difference, a change.

BURNETT: You want a change?

SENYONDO: Exactly.

BURNETT: This is the sentiment you hear more and more across Uganda - it's time for someone new. Yet President Museveni has dug in his heels. He spoke to Al-Jazeera last year, just before winning a fourth five-year term. He changed the constitution to loosen term limits.

PRESIDENT YOWERI MUSEVENI: The main point is, how would Africa transition from backwardness to modernity?

BURNETT: Museveni sees himself as an aging revolutionary, a historic figure who fought in the bush, overthrew dark forces, and whose mission to transform Uganda is not finished. This, despite the fact that he's been around for a quarter-century and is pushing 70.

MUSEVENI: Talk about the process of transformation from Third World to First World.

BURNETT: No one denies Museveni's accomplishments. Under his long rule, security has improved, the army is more disciplined, the economy has gained traction, more children go to school, the fight against HIV/AIDS has made progress, and Washington considers him a key regional partner in fighting terrorists in Somalia. Ugandan political scientist Frederick Golooba.

FREDERICK GOLOOBA: So, yes, Uganda has made great strides. But having said that, I think that we have reached a point where Uganda no longer needs Museveni. Most people would say that.

BURNETT: In Uganda's half century as a nation, it's no longer enough that Yoweri Museveni overthrew tyrants Idi Amin and Milton Obote. Once regarded as one of the most progressive leaders in Africa, today Ugandan analysts say Museveni increasingly resembles any other African big man - vainglory and egocentrism, nepotism and corruption, repression of opposition figures and intolerance of dissent.

Daniel Kalinaki is editor of the Daily Monitor newspaper.

DANIEL KALINAKI: I guess the longer you stay in power the more vulnerable you become. So, I think what we're seeing now is the government entering a phase where regime survival becomes a top priority.

BURNETT: The regime surviving becomes the top priority.

KALINAKI: Yeah.

BURNETT: A report released last month by Human Rights Watch, titled "Curtailing Criticism," claims the authoritarian climate in Uganda is typified by the president's treatment of certain non-governmental organizations, NGOs. The report says groups have recently faced closure, intimidation, arrest, and decertification for challenging the government's political and financial interests.

A small nonprofit called the Development and Child Welfare Initiative, stages civic engagement meetings in poor, mud-street Ugandan towns like this one, Kikyusa.

(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)

BURNETT: After the music has dies down, villagers not used to raising their voices are given the unique opportunity to hold a microphone and confront local officials. One man stands up and addresses the stony-faced district police commander. His statements are translated.

UNIDENTIFIED MAN #1: (Through translator) What happens when you go to the officer to go and arrest the suspect, the officer asks money to go and arrest.

BURNETT: So he's complaining that when he goes to the police department to make a complaint there's been a crime committed, the officer asks for money to go arrest the suspect.

UNIDENTIFIED MAN #2: Uh-huh, yeah. He's saying they ask 20,000.

BURNETT: So, he said the officer asks for 20,000 shillings, about $8 to go make an arrest.

UNIDENTIFIED MAN #2: Yeah.

BURNETT: One by one, the people step forward to voice their grievances. A young woman asks, who is supposed to pick up the stinking garbage? A hotel owner asks, why should I pay taxes when the government does so little for this town? And why, demands a fuming parent, is a rich pineapple grower allowed to rape local children and then pay off the police to avoid arrest?

These sorts of questions make people in power uncomfortable, and that's the point. Driving away from the meeting, the project director, John Ssesanga, explains that when he went to renew his organization's registration earlier this year, he was told it was under investigation by the president's office. His NGO, which is supported by international donors, still has not been recertified.

JOHN SSESANGA: We are opening the peoples' eyes and ears to ask questions.

BURNETT: John, you say the Museveni government doesn't like what you're doing because you're opening the peoples' eyes and ears to question them.

SSESANGA: Yes. And people in government don't want to be asked questions, especially on matters concerning corruption.

BURNETT: The president's spokesman would not return NPR's repeated calls to comment on this story. Defense Minister Crispus Kiyonga, a protege of the president's for 26 years, said in an interview that foreign NGOs operate with anarchy in Uganda and they need more oversight. When asked about the president's longevity in office, he smiled and said, it's up to Ugandans to decide whether they want to keep Yoweri Museveni when he runs for an expected fifth term in 2016.

John Burnett, NPR News. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR.